A Twisted World: Irony, Hypocrisy, and Power

 

From Washington to Seoul, and New Delhi to Tokyo, the global order is defined by stark contradictions. Laws are bent, histories are rewritten, and principles are abandoned when they clash with power or profit. A series of recent events reinforces my fear of this "twisted world."

The US: A President vs. The Rule of Law (and Then, The Market)

In a landmark 6–3 ruling, the US Supreme Court delivered a significant blow to former President Donald Trump, deciding that he lacked the legal authority to impose sweeping reciprocal tariffs. The Court affirmed that under the Constitution, the power to tax and tariff lies exclusively with Congress. The International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), the justices argued, is for narrow crises—not for rewriting global trade policy.

While the decision didn't touch tariffs levied under other statutes (like Section 232 on national security or Section 301 on unfair trade), it left over an estimated $100-$175 billion in collected duties in legal limbo, potentially subject to refund claims.

Predictably, Trump’s response was swift and characteristic. He announced a new 10% global tariff under a different law (Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974), a temporary measure meant to address balance-of-payments issues. But in a move that defines his modus operandi, he immediately raised the rate to 15% overnight, seemingly to "punish" the court and maximize the economic impact.

His verbal assault on the justices was even more scorching. He called them "a disgrace," "unpatriotic," "fools," and "lapdogs," even baselessly suggesting foreign influence had swayed them. In most common-law nations, this would be clear contempt of court. In the US, it is a protected, if corrosive, exercise of free speech.

Seoul vs. Washington: A Tale of Two Insurrections

On 19 February, a South Korean court sentenced former President Yoon Suk Yeol to life imprisonment for leading an insurrection. His crime: imposing martial law and using military force against the legislature, an act deemed a direct attack on constitutional order.

To a lay observer, the parallels with January 6, 2021, are glaring. On that day, a mob incited by Donald Trump stormed the US Capitol to halt the certification of an election. Trump was impeached for "incitement of insurrection" but acquitted by the Senate. While "treason" is a narrow legal charge in the US that doesn't apply here, the core similarity—a leader using extra-legal means to subvert democratic processes—is undeniable. The wildly different verdicts are a stark lesson in how political systems, and the power of personality, can bend the application of justice.

The "Board of Peace": A Gaza Conference Without Gaza

Trump’s inaugural "Board of Peace" meeting, held on 19 February, was ostensibly about coordinating Gaza's recovery. Twenty-six countries joined, with leaders from Vietnam, Pakistan, Indonesia, and Hungary in attendance. The US pledged $10 billion, with nine other nations adding $7 billion, and several countries offered troops for a stabilisation force.

But the meeting's true nature was revealed by two glaring absences. Neither Russia nor China sent representatives. More tellingly, no Palestinians were invited to discuss the future of their own homeland. The conference, chaired by Trump, felt less like a peace forum and more like a real estate development planning session. As one observer might cynically note, it is not hard to imagine Trump's son-in-law, Jared Kushner, positioning himself to profit from the development of a "Riviera Trump de Gaza." The "Board of Peace" may well fizzle out, but the deals made in the shadows could have a lasting impact.

Japan’s Irony: The Pacifist Constitution and the Return of Militarism

Japan stands at a historic crossroads. Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi's recent electoral victory has given her party a two-thirds supermajority in the Lower House, the first step toward amending the country's pacifist constitution.

The irony is profound. Japan's post-war identity as a civilian power was enshrined in Article 9 of its constitution, a document largely imposed by the United States during the Allied occupation. Now, the US—seeking a stronger ally to counter China—is quietly encouraging Japan to rearm. Even more ironic is the response from Southeast Asia. Some leaders of nations that suffered brutal Japanese occupation during World War II are now welcoming a more militaristic Japan.

Whether Takaichi can overcome the hurdle of the upper house and a national referendum remains to be seen, but the momentum is unmistakable. The nation that was forced to renounce war is now being pushed to embrace the potential for it once more.

I do believe in physiognomy. Rightly or wrongly, my first and lasting instinct when I look at Takaichi is that her face conveys a slyness that makes me deeply uneasy — and it is an unease I cannot simply dismiss.

The Currency of Power: Technocrats, Bombs, and Bluster

In this twisted world, only muscle talks—but "muscle" comes in different forms.
Among Western leaders, Canada's Mark Carney stands out, not for military might or populist rhetoric, but for "Middle Power" strengths. A former head of two central banks, he understands the mechanics of economic warfare better than anyone. He could fight Trumpism on its own terrain, which all other Middle Powers seem incapable of wielding. Yet for all his technocratic skill, Carney lacks the raw political killer instinct of a Kim Jong Un, who holds a different, more existential form of power—for instance, in denying the US the right to use its airspace.

Elsewhere, leaders like those in Iran or Venezuela's Nicolás Maduro project defiance, but their threats often ring hollow. Venezuela has been robbed of its oil, and Panama of the right to exercise sovereignty over its canal. Yet they appear as regimes waiting for the next shock, their bluster masking deep-seated vulnerability.

India’s AI Aspirations and a Robotic Dog

Finally, to New Delhi, where India recently hosted a massive AI Impact Summit, touted as the largest of its kind for the Global South. With 25,000 participants, 20 world leaders, and tech CEOs, it was meant to showcase India's technological rise.

Instead, it became a case study in the gap between aspiration and reality. The conference was overshadowed by a bizarre controversy when a professor from Galgotias University presented a robotic dog named "Orion" to the public broadcaster as an indigenous innovation from the university's "Centre of Excellence." It was quickly unmasked as a Unitree Go2—a commercially available model from a Chinese company retailing for just over $2,000. Apparently, other bogus AI feats were also exhibited. But the high praises continued, nonetheless.

The incident became an embarrassing metaphor for an event that, despite its high aims, seemed to lack the very organisational intelligence the conference was meant to celebrate. It was a small, farcical moment that perfectly encapsulated a "twisted world" where image is often mistaken for reality, and the substance of innovation is sometimes just a borrowed shell.

Of course, Google and Meta need look no further if they require a super CMO. This professor can guarantee instant publicity for any project they wish to promote.

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Sharing Some Titbits from My Recent Travels…

 

1. Politics in Malaysia

I enjoy engaging cab drivers in conversation, especially during longer journeys — for example, to and from Seletar Airport to my hotel downtown, or between my apartment at Saujana Resort and KLIA. They often have a practical understanding of the world around them that many of us may overlook.

Just last Monday, I booked a Grab car to take me to KLIA for a trip to Jakarta on a Malaysia Airlines flight. My driver was a certain Abdullah Husain. I praised him for keeping his car neat and clean. He told me it was only a month old.

After some small talk about the weather, hometowns and families, I ventured to ask him about his views on Malaysian politics.

LYB: Given Anwar’s thin support among the Malay community, what are his chances of Pakatan Harapan winning the next general election?

AH: No way Anwar can win the election.

AH said the entire PH government revolved around only one man — Anwar Ibrahim himself.

“Do you see his ministers talk?” he asked. “Rafizi speaks a lot now, but that is because he is no longer in the Cabinet.” (He was referring to Rafizi Ramli, the former Economy Minister.)

LYB: Who will win the next election then?

AH: PAS!

LYB: But are Malays not concerned about PAS’s track record in the states they currently govern?

I told AH that I had visited Kelantan not too long ago, and that I genuinely felt sorry for the lacklustre state of the economy there. He countered that this was because Kelantan had not received the support it deserved from the federal government.

I also told him that the Chinese community feared PAS. He replied that the Chinese in Kelantan were happy under the present PAS state government. I did not feel it was appropriate to tell him that, in reality, only the older Chinese had chosen to remain, while many younger Chinese had moved to other states.

I shudder to think of the prospect of PAS forming the next federal government. AH believes UMNO would join PAS as a junior partner. In his view, UMNO no longer has the grassroots support to revive its former glory.

The Chinese community, to him, does not feature in the political equation at all.

To me, however, despite the setback suffered by DAP in the last Sabah state election, it will still be the Hobson’s choice for the Chinese community. MCA may have recovered slightly, but it remains far from being able to close the gap.

2. Jakarta’s Soekarno–Hatta International Airport

One cannot quite fault the designers of Terminal 3 at Jakarta’s Soekarno–Hatta International Airport for its overall structure. The terminal was extended from an existing building, and aircraft therefore have to be docked along only one side. That said, much still leaves to be desired in terms of internal layout.

Upon arriving at the gate assigned to Malaysia Airlines — located at one end of the building — one has to walk almost one kilometre, even with the help of moving walkways (or travelators).

The long rows of automated immigration gates look very impressive — very state-of-the-art — until you try to use them. They do not work with my Malaysian passport. Worse still, there was nobody around to help. All of us had to scramble to the manual counters. And guess what? Only two counters were open.

I was among the earlier arrivals, so the waiting time was still tolerable. But what about the bulk of passengers who arrived later?

For departures, immigration is again located at the far end of the hall. Between the check-in area and the immigration hall are the usual airport shops. Customs and security screening were fortunately efficient, but once again the rows of modern auto-gates were not friendly to foreigners like me. I had to use the manual counter yet again.

After clearing immigration and descending to the gate level, I had to walk another kilometre or so to reach my gate.

Two questions came to mind:

1. Why can’t immigration and customs be located in the middle of the terminal?
2. Why is Malaysia Airlines, which operates many flights a day to Jakarta, assigned gates at one extreme end of the terminal?

A Question of Attitude…

After my accident in 2016, my left heel pad became permanently impaired. I now walk with a slight limp. For longer walks, I carry a cane to help my left leg bear my body weight. On occasions, I use the assistance lane at airports. I thought I had a perfectly valid reason to use the one provided at Jakarta Immigration. However, When I approached the counter, the officer was clearly unhappy that his peace had been disturbed and gave me a distinct “why are you here?” look. I pointed to my leg. He reluctantly attended to me but could not hide his displeasure and subjected me to some unnecessary questioning. I remained polite, lest I be sent back to the long queue.

The contrast with what one sees at Singapore Immigration could not be sharper. Although some officers look like retired granddads and grandmas, they are unfailingly courteous, ushering passengers into available lanes and indulgently guiding one how to use their face recognition system efficiently.

The same applies in Malaysia, where QR-code counters are available for Malaysians. Older people like us can sometimes be confused by the procedure, but there is always someone on hand to help.

One wonders why Indonesia does not send its officers to Singapore or Kuala Lumpur to observe how neighbouring countries run their systems.

3. Social Etiquette

I was invited by a professional society to join its delegation to Jakarta. I could not help noticing that many of us are still not quite up to scratch when it comes to basic social norms — punctuality, personal hygiene, dressing appropriately for occasions and even table etiquette. The last two being important in Indonesia, for hosts in their society’s upper echelon tend to take them seriously. And they can feel extremely awkward when their guests are visibly uncomfortable or lost in such situations. (However, punctuality is usually a non-issue in Indonesia; it is just a matter of my personal discipline.)

Raising awareness would certainly help to address this problem.

Many years ago, I had the opportunity to serve as a board member of a social enterprise chaired by Royal Professor Ungku Aziz, then retired Vice-Chancellor of the University of Malaya. I once proposed to him that all university students should be required to attend a short finishing programme before graduation — a kind of mini-MBA in which the basic functions of business are introduced. For example, non-business students should understand P&L statements, balance sheets and cash flows, while non-STEM students should be exposed to basic technological literacy. Alongside these, social etiquette should also be taught, to better prepare graduates for workplace and societal expectations.

He was very supportive of the idea. Unfortunately, there was no practical mechanism for me to follow up and push it through.

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