Why China’s September 3 Military Parade is Important to Chinese All Over the World?

 

On the eve of China’s military parade in Beijing – marking the 80th anniversary of Japan’s surrender in World War II – it is worth asking: why does this commemoration matter so deeply to Chinese people everywhere?

The official name of the event is long: “Conference to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War.” The length is deliberate. It situates China’s wartime struggle not just as a regional tragedy, but as part of the global fight against fascism.

It is important to know who is coming and who is not, especially from countries which were directly affected by World War II.

I suppose most readers would have read who they are and it is therefore superfluous for me to name them here, save to mention the more remarkable ones – like Indonesia’s Probowo Subianto who has to cancel his trip due to protests and riots that are troubling his country now. Generally, the list includes those who have just attended the SCO Summit in Tianjin, except Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of Türkiye. Malaysia’s Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim will also be attending.

Two from Europe are coming - Serbia’s President Aleksandar Vučić and Slovakia’s Prime Minister Robert Fico.

The US and all its NATO allies are not attending. Neither is Japan.

Another important mention is the absence of Singapore Prime Minister or President; the country is represented by Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong. (Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong was in Japan a couple of days ago (August 21 to 27) and during his visit, he received the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun, Japan’s highest honour, presented by Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru. It is interesting to note that Japan has been lobbying friends NOT to attend China’s September 3 military parade.) Another key absentee is the President of South Korea, Lee Jae-Myung; he will be represented by Woo Won-Shik, the Speaker of South Korea’s National Assembly. And in a subtle message to Lee, Beijing is placing North Korea's Kim Jong Un as the second most important guest in its protocol line-up. Too bad, Lee, since you are afraid of Trump!

The official name of the parade is actually: "Conference to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War."

What has World War II in China got to do with fascism?

This lengthy title reflects China's framing of the end of the Second Sino-Japanese War and World War II within the broader context of its anti-fascist contributions.

The link between fascism and the Japanese invasion of China is not as direct as with Nazi Germany or Fascist Italy, but China (and later the Allies) are framing it this way.

Japan’s wartime ideology shared traits with fascism

 

• Militarism and ultranationalism: Japan in the 1930s–40s was dominated by its military, with emperor-centred nationalism, suppression of dissent, and glorification of war.
• Authoritarian rule: Civilian politics collapsed after 1931 (Manchurian Incident). Japan became effectively a military dictatorship, much like fascist regimes in Europe.
• Imperial expansion: Just as Mussolini sought a “New Roman Empire” and Hitler a “Third Reich,” Japan pursued a “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere,” claiming liberation of Asia but practicing domination.
• Rather than considering itself as a regional victim of Japan, China urged countries to remember Japan’s war atrocities as a part of the global fascist war against humanity – in the wake of what has started to emerge since Donald Trump first assumed presidency in the USA.

 

The PRC officially calls WWII the “World Anti-Fascist War” (世界反法西斯战), which many would disagree. Yes, Japan wasn’t a textbook fascist state like Nazi Germany, but its militarist authoritarianism, expansionism, and war time alliance with Germany and Italy certainly justify China’s labelling – just as Mussolini sought a “New Roman Empire” and Hitler a “Third Reich,” Japan pursued a “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere,” claiming liberation of Asia but practicing domination.

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World War II didn’t just “begin” in Europe in 1939, but in East Asia years earlier, with China at the centre.

After the Meiji Restoration (1868), Japan rapidly industrialized, built a modern army/navy, and began seeking colonies (Taiwan in 1895, Korea in 1910). Qing was weakening. It suffered defeats – the First Sino-Japanese War 1894–95 and Boxer Protocol 1901) left China fragmented and semi-colonized, inviting further aggression.

The 1920s–30s saw rising militarist control in Tokyo. Many officers believed Japan needed “living space” (Hakkō ichiu – “all the world under one roof”) and access to raw materials, especially in China.

Japanese officers staged a railway sabotage near Mukden (Shenyang) on September 18, 1931 and used it as a pretext to invade Manchuria. It set up a puppet state Manchukuo under the last Qing emperor Puyi in 1932. Then came the Marco Polo Bridge incident (July 7, 1937). A skirmish outside Beijing escalated into a full-scale invasion. Beijing, Shanghai, and Nanjing were captured. In Nanjing, Japan committed one of the worst atrocities of the war – the Nanjing Massacre (Dec 1937-Jan 1938). By late 1937, the Sino-Japanese War had become a vast, brutal conflict – effectively the Asian front of WWII.

While Europe remained in uneasy peace until 1939 (when Germany invaded Poland), millions were already fighting and dying in China. By 1941, China had tied down over half of Japan’s army, preventing Tokyo from committing all its forces elsewhere. Western powers began to see the Sino-Japanese War as part of the wider anti-fascist struggle.

(In 1940: Japan joined Germany and Italy in the Tripartite Pact. It attacked Pearl Harbour in 1941. From the Chinese (and some historians’) perspective), WWII really began in 1937 (or even 1931), not 1939.)

The Great East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere (Dai Tōa Kyōeiken, 大東亜共栄圏) 

This is Japan’s official justification for its conquests in China and across Asia during the late 1930s-1940s – Asia for the Asians, liberation from western colonialism/imperialism and shared prosperity. Japanese presented it as a noble cause, even until today.

From the late 19th century, some Japanese thinkers promoted solidarity among Asian peoples against Western colonialism. Japan, being the first non-Western country to industrialize successfully, claimed it should lead Asia.

But in truth, Japan lacked raw materials (oil, rubber, iron ore, food). Leaders argued Japan needed to create a self-sufficient regional economic bloc, free from Western embargoes. Instead of mutual prosperity, resources and labor were extracted for Japan’s war machine. Japan created “independent” regimes (Manchukuo, Wang Jingwei’s Nanjing government, Burma under Ba Maw, the Philippines under José P. Laurel), but these were tightly controlled. Forced labor, comfort women, famines (e.g. in Vietnam 1944–45), and brutal suppression of dissent revealed the gap between rhetoric and reality.

(Many Asians did resent Western colonialism. Japan’s victories over European powers (e.g. fall of Singapore in 1942) shocked the world and inspired anti-colonial movements. Leaders like Subhas Chandra Bose (India) or Ba Maw (Burma) cooperated with Japan, believing it offered a chance to end European rule. However, once occupation realities set in, enthusiasm often turned to resistance.

Be that as it may, it did create some lasting consequences: by smashing Western colonial dominance in Asia, Japan inadvertently created space for postwar independence movements (Indonesia, Vietnam, Burma, India).

(Remember Radhabinod Pal, a judge from India who served at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE)? He is indeed remembered in Japan with unusual respect because he was the only judge to deliver a full dissenting opinion acquitting all the accused Japanese leaders. Pal’s dissenting judgment ran over 1,200 pages. He argued that the trial was not impartial and saw Western colonialism in Asia as no less aggressive than Japan’s expansion. To him, Japan’s rhetoric of “Asia for the Asians” had a kernel of legitimacy: Japan challenged European empires that had long exploited Asia. Pal was outvoted 10–1; the other judges convicted and sentenced Japanese leaders (including executions of Prime Minister Tōjō Hideki and others). His dissent earned him lasting admiration. Today a monument to him stands at the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo. I leave this to readers to ponder! To me, this may partly explains Modi’s lack of interest in this parade.)

The US’s Love Affair with Japan after World War II

In the Cairo Conference (November 1943), attended by Roosevelt, Churchill, and Chiang Kai-shek, Japan was supposed to be stripped of all the territories it had taken “by violence and greed.” Notably, Taiwan and Manchuria were to be restored to China and Korea would “become free and independent in due course.” In the Yalta Conference (February 1945), attended by Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin, the Soviet Union agreed to enter the war against Japan in exchange for territorial concessions: Return of southern Sakhalin (lost in 1905), the Kuril Islands, the Influence over Port Arthur and Dalian. And in Potsdam Conference (July–August 1945), attended by Truman, Churchill/Attlee and Stalin, the declaration called on Japan to surrender unconditionally. It reaffirmed that Japan would be limited to its home islands (Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku, and smaller minor islands as determined). Although it did not specify every territory, the terms of the Cairo Declaration were supposed to be honoured.

There was also a postwar treaty – the San Francisco Peace Treaty (1951, effective 1952) where Japan renounced claims to Korea, Taiwan, the Kurils, South Sakhalin, Pacific islands (Micronesia), etc. Unfortunately, it did not clearly state to whom some islands would go, leaving disputes unresolved – Taiwan, Kurils, Diaoyu (Senkaku to Japanese). The U.S. kept control of Okinawa until 1972 and Micronesia as Trust Territories.

The US strategy in Asia shifted after 1945. General Douglas MacArthur, as Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP), oversaw Japan’s occupation (1945–1952). While the Allies had promised sweeping restitution of territories, in reality the US went relatively easy on Japan. Here’s why:

By 1946–47, the U.S. no longer saw Japan only as the defeated enemy, but as a potential bulwark against communism. The Chinese Civil War was tilting toward the Communists (victory in 1949) and the Soviet Union was expanding influence in East Asia (North Korea, Sakhalin, Kurils). Washington began rebuilding Japan quickly, rather than crippling it.

The Japanese emperor, who was instrumental in the legitimization of the invasion, was not tried for war crimes and was instead retained. Much of its bureaucracy and many of its business elites, and even many wartime figures were quietly rehabilitated to keep society functional. This shifted from punishing Japan to making it a stable, loyal ally. Instead of dismantling Japan’s economy, the U.S. launched policies to rebuild industry (e.g., Dodge Plan, 1949), ensuring Japan could be a prosperous, capitalist partner.

Whereas in Europe, Germany was divided and demilitarized.

Notwithstanding, History Meant Nothing to Many

1.    Australia

Australian soldiers were sent into the Malayan-Singapore front before Japan launched its invasion in December 1941, as part of Britain’s preparations to defend Southeast Asia. In August 1940, the first elements of the 8th Division AIF (Australian Imperial Force) arrived in Malaya. By early 1941 – The division was split into the various key points in Malaya. Their role was to strengthen British garrisons alongside Indian, British, and local forces under the newly formed Malaya Command.

 

On 8 December 1941, the same day as the Pearl Harbor attack), Japan invaded northern Malaya, landing at Kota Bharu. While the British troops were retreating southwards, Australian forces fought some real battles with the Japanese in Gemas and Bakri (near Muar). Unfortunately, they had to retreat onto Singapore in late January 1942. Nonetheless, they fought the Japanese hard there between 7–15 February 1942, after which Singapore surrendered and around 15,000 Australians became prisoners of war.

 

Between February 1942 and November 1943, Japan launched more than 100 air raids on northern Australia. The first and biggest raid took place in Darwin (19 February 1942). The same day Japanese forces landed in Timor, 188 aircraft from carriers and bases in the Dutch East Indies attacked Darwin. About 240 were killed, including civilians and military personnel, 8 ships sunk, 2 airfields hit, town devastated.

 

Subsequent, Darwin was bombed about 64 times from Japanese fighters from Timor and the Banda Sea.

 

Japanese aircraft, operating from captured bases in the Dutch East Indies (present-day Indonesia), also struck Broome, Wyndam, Derby, Port Hedland, Katherine, Townsville, and even Horn Island (Torres Strait) and Exmouth Gulf.

 

Japanese submarines also shelled Sydney Harbour attack (31 May-1 June 1942; three midget subs penetrated; one sank a depot ship, killing 21) and Newcastle. Merchant shipping along Australia’s coast was harassed by submarines.

 

Now Australia is happy to join with Japan in all the alliances that are meant to contain China!

 

What a twist of history!

2.    The UK

When Keir Starmer became UK’s prime minister in July 2024, I thought UK had finally got itself out of the shithole that was first dug by Boris Johnson and subsequently enlarged by Liz Truss and Rishi Sunak. He has turned out to be a big let-down. His domestic agenda has largely failed, and he is using his support for Ukraine to stay internationally “relevant”.

 

And recently he had the silly idea of asking the country’s half-baked aircraft carrier HMS Prince of Wales to visit Tokyo, making the first-ever port call by a foreign aircraft carrier to Tokyo.

 

Why?

 

He wants strengthening UK–Japan Defence Ties!

 

For what?

 

To contain China in Indo-Pacific, of course!

 

It would carry exercises that can integrate with U.S. and Japanese fleets. The UK is still being very delusional about its power. It thinks it is still a global maritime power that operate beyond Europe. For Japan, it showcases international support. For the US, it reinforces trilateral cooperation (U.S.–Japan–UK) as a counterweight to China’s growing naval power.

 

But Starmer has forgotten that the UK has been totally humiliated by Japan during the Pacific War!

Fall of Singapore (February 1942)

• The surrender of Singapore was Britain’s largest military capitulation in history.
• Around 80,000 troops (British, Indian, and Australian) became prisoners of war.
• Winston Churchill called it the “worst disaster” and “largest capitulation” in British military history.

Sinking of HMS Prince of Wales and HMS Repulse (December 1941)

• Just days after Pearl Harbor, Japanese aircraft sank the two capital ships off Malaya.
• This was the first time modern battleships had been sunk solely by aircraft while at sea, and it shocked the Royal Navy.
• Symbolically devastating: Britain’s prestige as a great naval power was shattered in Asia overnight.

Loss of Colonies in Asia

• Hong Kong, Malaya, Burma — all fell quickly.
• Britain’s imperial naval presence in the Pacific was effectively extinguished.

 

Starmer consoles himself by saying that Japan is now a close partner of the UK, tied by common democratic values and security interests and both “face” challenges from China’s “assertiveness” and North Korea’s “unpredictability”.

 

3.    Others

The Philippines were also invaded by Japan during World War II and they also suffered terribly. Most notably was the Bataan Death March (April 1942). After the surrender, some 76,000 Filipino and American soldiers were forced to march about 100 km without food or water. Around 10,000 Filipinos and 650 Americans died. All in all, about one million Filipinos died during the war (combat, massacres, famine, disease). During the U.S. recapture of Manila (Feb–March 1945), it is said that Japanese forces massacred 100,000 civilians.

 

The Filipinos are certainly very forgiving.

 

I do not propose to name several other countries. It is their leaders or peoples’ sense of history!

CONCLUSION

For Chinese everywhere, the September 3 parade is not just a show of arms. It is a reminder that China bore the brunt of Asia’s anti-fascist war, long before the West woke up in 1939. It is also a message to the world that history matters – even if some nations have chosen to forget their own humiliations at the hands of militarist Japan. For the Global South, it signals that in a world of shifting power, China intends to stand not as a victim, but as a protector.

It is China’s way of telling its people and the world: we remember.

(To this day, few Japanese think Japan had lost the war to China. To them, it was the America’s two atom bombs that made them to surrender!)

While some nations turn allies into friends and enemies into partners, China insists that history still matters. For overseas Chinese, the message should resonate even more strongly: never again will China stand weak, fragmented, or voiceless. And they can stand tall wherever they are.

Most of the western world is still very much in denial. To those who have been following the real stuff, I am sure they know China’s military is already superior to the US’s. (Few things can function well in the wake of Trump’s reward for mediocrity, sycophancy and anti-China/Chinese policies.) I do not know what will be displayed during the parade. But I suspect it is going to be a shock-and-awe do, not so much to the guests, but to the US, Japan and the West. It should put to rest the delusions they have been holding all this while. With China around, the Global South will finally have a protector.

I am privileged to be able to count a few high-profile thinkers as acquaintances. In a recent chit-chat with one of them – a certain ex-lord mayor from one of the major cities in Germany – he has conceded that China will be the No 1 in the world economically, technologically and militarily in no time, thanks to Trump and a weak Europe; he nevertheless fears China’s rise, saying that it will be another hegemon once it has fully come of age. I I begged to disagree with him and was happy to extend a copy of my recent book and urged him to try to read it. I hope he does! (I could understand where he was coming from. Many Europeans - as well many in the other parts of the world - still think China is very much a Stalinist state like the former Soviet Union - thanks largely to the might of the western press and TV channels in distorting news and facts.) 

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Appendix

What's the "philosophy" behind fascism?

Unlike liberalism, socialism, or communism, fascism never had a single, coherent “textbook philosophy.” It’s more a set of ideas, instincts, and political practices that crystallized in Europe after World War I, especially in Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany. But scholars generally agree on a few core philosophical underpinnings:

1. Ultranationalism as the highest value

• The individual exists only in service of the nation (the Volksgemeinschaft in Germany, the Stato in Italy).
• The nation is often imagined in mythic, organic terms — a “living body” that must be purified and strengthened.
• Loyalty to the state/nation outranks personal freedom or universal human rights.

2. The cult of strength, hierarchy, and struggle

• Fascists rejected Enlightenment ideals of rational debate, equality, and progress.
• They embraced violence and struggle as natural and necessary for human flourishing (“life as perpetual battle”).
• War was seen as noble and rejuvenating — a way to purge weakness and unite the people.

3. Anti-liberalism and anti-communism

• Fascism saw liberal democracy as weak, decadent, and too focused on individual rights.
• It also fought communism/socialism, which emphasized class struggle and international solidarity rather than national unity.
• Fascism positioned itself as a “third way” — neither liberal capitalism nor Marxist socialism, but an authoritarian nationalism.

4. The Leader principle (Führerprinzip / Duce concept)

• Fascism glorifies charismatic leadership — the Leader embodies the will of the people and the destiny of the nation.
• Obedience is not just political but almost spiritual, with Mussolini/Hitler presented as saviors.

5. Myth, culture, and destiny

• Fascists often invoked a romanticized past (Rome for Mussolini, Aryan/Germanic myths for Hitler) to inspire a glorious future.
• They rejected rationalism in favor of myth, symbols, ritual, and mass mobilization.
• “Truth” was less important than what united and mobilized people emotionally.

6. Collectivism without equality

• Unlike socialism, fascism was collectivist without class equality.
• Workers and capitalists were forced into corporatist structures (state-controlled unions, business councils) to “cooperate” under state direction.
• The state mediated conflicts but always favored national power over individual or class interests.

In short: Fascism is a philosophy of militant nationalism, authoritarian leadership, glorification of struggle, and rejection of liberal/egalitarian ideals. It thrives on myth, hierarchy, and the belief that violence and obedience forge national greatness.

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