Anwar Ibrahim has released the names. I believe the line-up is not complete; he might have to add a few in due course – basically to oblige competing forces or interests.
I gave 80 marks for Anwar’s present effort. Some friends thought I was too generous. They are screaming in their heart: This is not fair; DAP is being diminished! Why no Gobind Singh and Yeo Bee Yin? And why Tengku Zafrul Aziz and not Zulkfly Ahmad? Etc. I could understand their unhappiness, but I have to tell them this: With this composition, Anwar should at least be able to ward off PN’s mud – of him being DAP’s accomplice – for the time being, at least. And that is Anwar’s top priority now, lest he sows the seed of another Sheraton Move, like what Dr Mahathir had done by appointing Lim Guan Eng as Finance Minister after GE14, even though the portfolio was somewhat a diluted one – with Economics going to Azmin Ali.
Unlike GE14 where there were loud celebrations, this time around DAP leaders and rank and file are behaving like monastery’s clergies. They have learned their lesson. Lim Guan Eng’s way has cost them dearly. They were fortunate that the non-Malays did not quite punish them during this election. (But in reality, it was largely Hobson’s choice for non-Malays, since the MCA and MIC leaders had yet to bring their parties up to scratch.) They captured 40 out of the 55 seats contested, which made them the dominant party in the PH coalition.
But PAS did even better – 49 out of 70! Whereas DAP is multi-racial in constitution and practices, PAS is strictly Islamic and Malay. And DAP has always been perceived by the Malay majority as Chinese-based – never mind the fact that they had Karpal Singh before and several well-educated Malays and Indians as leaders there now. The results of GE 15 have demonstrated that the country is now in a very polarized state. PAS has gained ground even in some not so rural constituencies, including Anwar’s former turf. They have painted the northern and eastern states green.
Under the Westminster convention, Pakatan Harapan (PH), which had won the largest number of seats, should have automatically qualified as the party that the monarch had to invite to try to form a government. However, Malaysian politics is unique, parties contest under their coalitions’ umbrellas. (PH is one such umbrella; it is not a political party per se.) But the party that has won most seats is actually PAS. Muhyiddin Yassin, chair of Perikatan Nasional (PN), to which PAS is affiliated, also claimed that he had collected 115 statutory declarations, a support level which is more than enough to form a majority government. This indeed posed a constitutional dilemma.
I believe Muhyiddin truly had the “numbers,” but I also believe that the declarations were largely leader-coerced documents. They could be superseded anytime.
The King must have read the sentiment of the people well this time. He also must have understood the folly of asking Muhyiddin to form a PH government. Instead, both Anwar and Muhyiddin were summoned to the Palace to discuss the possibility of working together to form a unity government. Maybe too overconfident of himself, Muhyiddin rejected the unity government idea outright. Naturally, Anwar was anointed as the 10th Prime Minister.
The stock market reacted well. Malaysian Ringgit also strengthened. These two things speak volumes of the people’s longing for a government that can act beyond narrow racial and religious issues.
The pythons in the chicken coop.
In a less polarized country, winners like DAP would certainly insist that they be given the lion’s share in the cabinet. But this is Malaysia. They are allotted only 4 ministerial portfolios. And the most out-of-place party UMNO was given 6, with one of the two deputy prime minister’s position thrown in as well. And adding salt to the wound – from the angle of good governance – that No 2 position is given to Zahid Hamidi, who is one who is still facing several corruption charges. I suppose Anwar’s stance is simply this: Zahid is the leader of UMNO, without him, he would certainly not be able to form a government. And now the country’s Federal Court is helmed by well-regarded judges. He is happy to allow them to decide whether Zahid is qualified to remain in due course.
Looking at the names in the line-up, many would agree with me that there were certainly better choices. The most glaring of whom is Tengku Zafrul Aziz. He was the finance minister in the previous government, even though he was not an elected MP. Yes, he was the CEO of CIMB before that, and yes, then Prime Minister Muhyiddin had every right to appoint him Finance Minister. But if the principle of Parliamentary democracy was to be observed, then such a position should be held by someone who is an elected MP. Tengku Zafrul lost in the Kuala Selangor contest, notwithstanding, he has been named the new minister of International Trade and Industry, which is a senior position in the cabinet. Yet the person who beat him, Dr Zulkefly Ahmad, a very well-regarded man, and someone who is also from PH, is not given a portfolio. This has helped fuel the belief that Tengku Zafrul’s appointment was not based on qualifications per se. There must be something more to it than meets the eye. He did not quite shine in the last government, maybe he should help dispel this concern in this government. Even Rafidah Aziz is negative about his inclusion.
Similarly, there are a few ministers from the UMNO ranks who have been quite identified as racially radical – maybe by virtue of the need to crane their heads to rise in a very cannibalistic pool. Their inclusion does raise eyebrows. Now that they have to work with DAP in the unity government, hopefully, their perceptions and behaviours will change.
On the other hand, the appointment of Rafizi Ramli is welcomed by many. He is young and smart and can stand on his own politically and intellectually. He appears to be the type who can offer fresh hope to a tired country.
Organisational logic and principles
But let us go back to something more fundamental: How an organisation should be structured?
Of course, in a Cabinet system, the members are collectively responsible for government policies and actions. The ultimate power rests with the prime minister. Ministers do not need to be really outstanding or brilliant. In the Malaysian context, ability to be perceived well is more important, especially in portfolios that are racially sensitive.
For instance, it may not be wise for Health to be helmed by a doctor; or Public Works, an engineer; or Education, a university teacher; etc. Professionals tend to carry built-in prejudices or biases into their psyche and can be blind to wider social or political needs. In most ministries, ministers therefore do not need to be experts in the fields that they have been assigned to lead, as long as they are broadminded to make use of the best brains to help them formulate and execute. That is all. Anwar’s degree is in Malay Studies. He was made Finance Minister under Mahathir. Now he is taking on the portfolio again. I doubt he truly knows much about Economics. But does it really matter?
In short, in a mature economy, a good government is a government that governs least. You do not need great shakes. Much of the governing is on autopilot. But Malaysia is not in that comfort zone yet.
Is the new cabinet able to help Anwar on his Transformative or Reformative missions? I am afraid my answer is no. It is still very much a “filling up the slots” exercise.
There are certain basic logic or principles one has to adopt in organizing structures. A good organisation divides tasks appropriately and the leaders at every level will then integrate them to serve a higher purpose. A cabinet is also a form of organisation. A transformative leader would ask himself this question: Is the existing structure able to help me pursue that purpose or cause? If you ask concerned citizens what is ailing Malaysia today, I bet most of them will say it is the sad state of our education system. The issues are obvious to most of us and there is no necessity for me to elaborate on them, save to say that we are not preparing our young to face the fast-changing world. How should it be organised then?
The man or woman to head it must enjoy the absolute confidence of the prime minister to help advocate and execute a visionary system. But what you see is the continuation of two ministries – Education and Higher Education. They should be seamlessly integrated to advance an overall cause.
There is no doubt that Finance is an important portfolio. It manages the fiscal and monetary policies and practices of the country. Everyone loves to helm it because it is politically the most coveted portfolio. But is it a top priority in our stage of national development? To me, the portfolio requires a great deal of attention to nitty-gritties. The Prime Minister, who has the entire Cabinet to direct, should not double himself as the finance minister.
During Singapore’s formative years, Lee Kuan Yew knew that the country’s future lay in these three areas: Defence, National Development and Culture. He put his best ministers in these three portfolios. Same thinking goes to China’s Xi Jinping. What does he want to leave behind? A China that has arrived. And he sets to organise and act accordingly.
Of course, Anwar cannot hope to act like Lee or Xi, for there are too many competing interests for him to manage at this stage. But he should cast his sight far and wide, make his dream clear and step forward, no matter how small the steps are.
But we really need someone who can cut across races and religions to help nurture a great Malaysian society. Hopefully, Anwar is the man.
Epilogue
Someone expressed surprise that Maszlee Malik that was not made a minister. I responded that if he had been selected, I would subtract 10 marks from Anwar’s new cabinet scoresheet!
I like author AB Sulaiman's way of categorizing truths. Taking a leaf from him, I am happy for readers to mark up or mark down the score. It all depends on the beholder!
And a confession…
I fly in and out of KLIA often. I love to chat up limo and taxi and Grab drivers. They are very current about political affairs in the country, especially if they are Malay. I am prepared to make this conclusion: Most Malays are politically very active; from cab drivers to university professors, many are card holders. Chinese, on the other hand, are quite reluctant to join political parties. When I was young, my mother always cautioned us against taking part in 党派 (dǎngpài, loosely parties or hoodlums). In the 1980s, I went against her wishes and signed up with MCA. I found myself a total misfit and quit after a couple of months!
To this day, many Chinese are reluctant to join political parties – DAP? Too Lim Guan Eng-ish. And MCA? Not cool! Gerakan? Irrelevant! (To many Dominic Lau must have looked very ridiculous standing as the No 3 man in the PN photoshoots!)
No wonder we have landed ourselves in a very untenable political situation!End
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